National Socialism

The Swastika is the main symbol of National Socialism.

National Socialism, more commonly known as Nazism, is an ideology and a form of fascism that was created by the National Socialist German Workers' Party in the early 1920s. National Socialism is a form of fascism and showed that ideology's disdain for liberal democracy and the parliamentary system, but also incorporated fervent antisemitism, anti-communism, scientific racism, and eugenics into its creed. National Socialism subscribed to pseudo-scientific theories of racial hierarchy and Social Darwinism, identifying the Germans as a part of what the Nazis regarded as an Aryan or Nordic master race. It aimed to overcome social divisions and create a German homogeneous society based on racial purity which represented a people's community (Volksgemeinschaft). The Nazis aimed to unite all Germans living in historically German territory, as well as gain additional lands for German expansion under the doctrine of Lebensraum (living space) and exclude those who they deemed either community aliens or "inferior" races. The term "National Socialism" arose out of attempts to create a nationalist redefinition of "socialism", as an alternative to both Marxist international socialism and free market capitalism. National Socialism rejected the Marxist concepts of class conflict and universal equality, opposed cosmopolitan internationalism, and sought to convince all parts of the new German society to subordinate their personal interests to the "common good", accepting political interests as the main priority of economic organization, which tended to match the general outlook of collectivism or communitarianism rather than economic socialism.

Proponents and subideologies

Note: People marked with an asterisk are their countries' starting leaders.

Subideology	Description	Adherents
Default (None)	After the Russian Revolution brought Communism to the world stage, an equal and opposite revolution began to develop in fear. In Italy, this reaction was Fascism. In Germany, it is National Socialism. With Bolshevism’s fall in Russia, National Socialism has become the ideology that controls the fate of Europe. Born from the ashes of Germany’s defeat in the Great War, National Socialism developed from the radically anti-semetic and nationalist expositions of Adolf Hitler and the National Socialist German Workers’ Party, quickly spreading like a rot thanks to the faults of the Weimar system and the Great Depression. Championed by its masters and imposed on its slaves, its ideologues champion their people as Aryan - the highest echelon of their pseudoscientific racial hierarchy - with their enemies put on lower rungs considered fit only to be exterminated or enslaved to make way for the master race’s lebensraum. Totalitarian rule is the norm for governance, with democracy scorned as an evil on the same level as communism and liberalism. Class conflict is considered a thing of little people, replaced by the corporatist “people’s community” that champions nation instead of social class, celebrating struggle and competition as the meaning of life. Already, this ideology has defined the twentieth century after the ending of World War Two, viewed as one of the greatest evils inflicted upon the world. It is viewed with fear and disgust by the rest of the world, construed as fear by Germany, believing that such a response only vindicates their supreme will to power and predestination to victory. Some wonder whether this ideology will survive, let alone triumph in the Cold War. Others fear that the damage has already been done.	Adolf Hitler* Hermann Göring Reinhard Heydrich Christian de La Mazière Arthur Seyss-Inquart* H. A. Sinclair de Rochemont Jonas Lie Erich Koch* Otto Ohlendorf Pieter Schelte Heerema Franz Maierhofer Odilo Globocnik* Wolf-Heinrich Graf von Helldorf William Joyce Knud Børge Martinsen Siegfried Haß Ferenc Szálasi Andor Jaross Asen Kantardzhiev Emil Maurice Erhard Milch Oskar Dirlewanger* Fritz Schmedes José López Rega
National Socialist Orthodoxy	Orthodox Nazism is the reaction to the reaction. In the eyes of its would-be martyrs, it is the model essence of Adolf Hitler's will, condensed into a creed that made up the very backbone of the Führer's Endsieg and Germany's New World Order. To a true believer, factionalism has defaced the core of National Socialism with its blasphemy. Has Germany not demonstrated the Triumph of its Will? Who are these fattened pigs and opportunists to tell us what the Reich should become? Who are they to tell us that the answer lies in "progress" or "strength" when the answer has always laid itself bare within the annals of History? Yet History is a cruel master - an amorphous phantom with no form, no face, no will to give up its wisdom. While the sermons of ideologues mask shallowness with apocalyptic cries, Orthodoxy abounds with hidden complexities and quiet wrinkles. Pockmarked with idiosyncrasies and personal biases, Martin Bormann decrees the tenets of his patchwork dogma, with not a soul to tell him otherwise. In vague theses, the NSDAP must purge its "clingers-on" and "due payers" like wheat from the chaff; a new party cadre must emerge from the ashes of the old. This stronger Party shall be composed of iron zealots who dominate every last aspect of society - pure, evangelical, and better than the average man. It does not matter to the Orthodox National Socialist that his ideology is based upon illogical and quixotic foundations. Nor does it matter that Bormann's vision rests upon the false pretenses of a "true" Nazi ideology. No, to him, this is only the next logical step. His Germany will be Hitler's Germany - only more so.	Martin Bormann
Reformed National Socialism	All ideologies that achieve power evolve as they rule, and Nazism is no exception. In its earliest decades, the arbiter of Nazism was Adolf Hitler, summed up in the concept of "Führerprinzip": the Führer's word is the final word, and Nazism is whatever he says it is. But as time passed and Hitler's practical influence within the party waned, he could no longer enforce his will as the sole gatekeeper of National Socialist thought. One of the people who took advantage of that vacuum was Albert Speer. Speer's National Socialist praxis is marked by a watering down of many of Hitler's more unsavory policies. The meticulous racial quantification, the futile quest for economic autarky, the endless empowerment of the military, even the blind worship of Hitler; Speer considers none of these tenets to be sacred and plans to do away with all of them. These inevitably earn him derision from his more devout rivals: he's a revisionist, he's a factionalist, he wants to replace Nazism with weak and effeminate Italian fascism. Some have even accused him of being a crypto-democrat who wants to destroy Nazism entirely. What they fail to realize is that Speer isn't reforming Nazism to destroy it, but to save it. By making ideological concessions in the name of pragmatism, Speer is able to amputate the gangrenous limb and keep the rest of the body alive. By limiting rampant militarism, he can diminish the risk of Caesarism in the general staff. And by allowing criticism of Hitler, he can preserve a cult of personality while maintaining the appearance of openness. If everything goes according to plan, Speer can transform National Socialism from a bloated mess of self-destructive contradictions into a workable ideology while preserving its core. There will still be a one-party state, there will still be racial purity, and most importantly, there will still be one all-powerful Führer.	Albert Speer Hans Otto Bräutigam
Idiosyncratic Nazism	National Socialism is an ideology, a state of thought, and a state of life with the Aryan race at its fundamental heart and center. To subjugate the Aryan people to the cowardice of practicality or the confines of a German state is the height of folly. This is the National Socialist dream, and long has it laid idle at the foot of corrupt tyrants. Yet the dream survives. Championed by the likes of Theodor Oberländer and Georg Leibbrandt, Idiosyncratic Nazism is a sect of reformist National Socialism committed not to the "pragmatism" of Speer or the degeneracy of the dissidents, but to something greater: the Aryan people. Some Idiosyncratic Nazis believe that many so-called "Slavs" have Aryan blood, others view them as a lesser - but not subhuman - race. Regardless, they all view the East as more than a massive slave pen to be transformed into Lebensraum. Instead, they see allies in the global struggle against the Judeo-Bolshevik menace. Many also advocate for a return to National Socialism's populist roots, and a re-centering of government policy around the Aryan citizenry. To most, Idiosyncratic Nazism is a bizarre mess of contradictions, doomed to collapse under its own weight. To its supporters, it is true National Socialism, the manifestation of the People's Will.	Theodor Oberländer
Clerical Fascism	Fascism is a truly malleable and fickle ideology by nature. Due to this, it has always been able to be adapted to fit the ideological needs and peculiarities of those wielding it even in the days when it was first adopted by Benito Mussolini. Given the widespread and still heavy influence of religion on millions worldwide, it is not surprising that many fascist movements ranging from the infamous Iron Guard of Romania to the Ustase of Croatia have attempted to wield faith and Fascism simultaneously in their quests for power and control over the very souls of their nations. The resulting child of this often-grotesque pairing is known to the world as Clerical Fascism. While religious influences within fascist movements is nothing out of the ordinary, these regimes tend to be extremists on par in their fanaticism with National Socialism. They are obsessed with theories of "salvation" that are bound inseparably with race and the nation in the minds of its practitioners. Unless their vision of purity is achieved, warn these modern-day zealots, their people will soon find themselves damned both here and in the afterlife. Truly, is there anything as dangerous as those absolutely assured of their own righteousness?	Jozef Tiso* Štefan Tiso Dimitrije Ljotić* Jakov Ljotić Mladen Lorković Jure Francetić Abaddon
Technocratic Nazism	It is the opinion of some more activist-minded members of the Nazi movement that the whole constellation of social and economic life should orbit the Party of National Socialism. The Party, they say, should pull these spheres closer until they crash together and accrete to form a society that is Party, people, and economy rolled into one. But others — the self-described pragmatists of National Socialism — work to center the role of the State instead. Technocratic Nazis side with the State in the State-Party diarchy, although the degree to which the Party ought to be subordinated is a contentious topic. Some argue for a return to the "looser" system of the 1930s and others for the Party as a purely cultural institution. But all members of this National Socialist strain agree that the State and the Party must have clearly defined, separate roles, with the State on top and the Party kept controllable. With the supreme power of the State in hand, the leading figures of Technocratic Nazism would be more or less free to calibrate life as they see fit. They would abandon Führerprinzip in favor of an oligarchic cabinet of ministers, reduce the power of the Gauleiters, and purge the bureaucracy of careerists, corruption, and bloated institutions. They would invest in education and science. They would pass economic reforms to smash corporate cartels. And most importantly, they would capture the machinery of government in the hands of an educated class of expert and dutiful National Socialists. After all, The Thousand-Year Reich needs men who can plan a thousand years ahead.
Revolutionary Nazism	The actual progress of the National Socialist Revolution is a topic of debate within the Nazi movement. In private, loyal National Socialists often ask whether their ideology has gone far enough to reshape social relations. The typical answer is a stiff negative and a resolution to drive harder, to accept no compromise. The so-called revolutionary answer is to rage against the compromises even other Nazis make. Revolutionary Nazism is a tendency within National Socialism that advocates for an uncompromised ideological vision. The NSDAP would become the mobilizing force of a mass revolutionary-reactionary movement that would break down class barriers and completely remake social and economic life. So-called conservative forces would be destroyed and replaced by the Party-state; market systems, the Church and non-Party army and civil service staff would disappear. Large private businesses would turn to vapor in pursuit of the corporatist ideal, rearticulated and nationalized. The state-controlled corporatist economy, the Ständestaat, would enclose the activities of small and medium businesses and their middle-class managers. Every aspect of social and economic life would orbit the party-state, the subject and object of the National Socialist Revolution. Revolutionary Nazism largely died off after 1934. The Röhm purge and other developments consigned it to a seemingly permanent malaise, but Revolutionary Nazism lives on in a handful of fervent Gauleiters, SA men and DAF officials. Perhaps the tumult of the Cold War will give them a chance to once more command their totalitarian movement.
Rosenbergite Tendency	Within all movements, great and small, there are those who find themselves in a struggle against orthodoxy. Some are great men, struggling against rising systems of evil, ardently defending rights and liberties. Others, like Alfred Rosenberg, fought only for their own petty politics. Yet even years later, when the trends are clear and the dust is settling, their ideas, policies, and conceptions persist. The Rosenbergite Tendency is not an organized movement, but a disparate collection of characters who, to one end or another, see the ideas of Alfred Rosenberg as the ideal German policy towards the East. To Rosenberg, a Baltic German, the East was more than a land to settle, but a set of nations to uplift and purify, to use as a wedge that can fully destroy the Russian nation. Though the man himself is long forgotten in Germania, his policies retain weight in the east, where his vision of the Reichskommissariats has not yet fully dimmed. Intellectuals and thinkers still heed Rosenberg's word, as a kind of pragmatic, humanitarian policy which might have prevented the maelstrom gripping the East. Yet make no mistake - its believers follow Hitler in every other aspect. They are as chained to the Reich and its violence as much as their colleagues. Rosenberg's word, no matter how sweet, is not an escape.	Georg Leibbrandt Fritz Bracht*
Naturalised National Socialism	National Socialism was born in Germany, forged by German racial identity and German conditions. A problem arose once that incredibly German ideology expanded and spread to cover most of Europe. Collaborators within Eastern European nations subjected to German colonialism struggled to reconcile their own identities with an ideology designed to subjugate them beneath the German jackboot. From that contradiction, Naturalized National Socialism was born. Naturalized National Socialism is not a truly codified ideology, and is often applied in a highly personalized, almost ad-hoc, manner within Eastern Europe. It is an ideology born from conditions forcing a bastardization of National Socialist tenets deemed incompatible, and lacks the formalization of the ideologies found in more established regimes. The core characteristic that separates the ideology from the standard in Germania is the supremacy of its practitioners' own national and cultural characteristics separate from Nazi colonialism. Naturalized National Socialism frequently possesses significant differences from the tenets that Germania attempts to enforce within its empire. Sometimes this is due to the practitioner basing their ideologies on a completely separate ideology buried beneath a National Socialist coat of paint. Other times, it is simply the result of the practitioner siding with their own nation's characteristics too frequently to be ignored, even if they genuinely seek to imitate Germania. It remains to be seen if these contradictory regimes will prove as resilient as the Thousand Year Reich.	Peter Kozhevnikov Yaroslav Stetsko Mikhail Oktan Vladimir Artsezo Veli Kayyum Han*
Palingenetic Nazism	Once upon a time, the National Socialist movement designed a revolutionary vision for the world, free of modernity's rot. As time went on, these revolutionaries grew lazy, bowing to petty parochialism and populism in the pursuit of power. In the world these men birthed, a new revolutionary generation rises, one that won't falter in the pursuit of national rebirth. National Socialism is not a mere ideology for politicians to dress themselves in — it is a way of life. A true National Socialist is a soldier committed 110% to their revolutionary vanguard, using every waking moment of their life to change the present state of things. When the revolution happens, it will be total, tearing down each institution for a National Socialist rebirth. Every facet of their reborn society will be guided by political soldiers — models of the Aryan race — the new elite. National Socialist ideals will be placed on a pedestal, to be idealized above materialist or superstitious beliefs, unless value is seen in past rituals. There will be no role for the agnostic, no room for the apolitical, only the indoctrinated may wield any level of power to not contaminate this utopia with the decay that came before it. One unfortunate barrier to the actualization of this ideal is that the National Socialist utopia each of these revolutionaries desires is a vision unique only to their heads, with millions of variations on every finer point, compounded by a lack of ideological theory. At the very least, all these revolutionaries can agree that no matter where they come from, they are all united by their Aryan skin. One day, they will transcend borders, joined together by the power of their race. And then, the revolution will be complete.	Colin Jordan Alexey Dobrovolsky* Valery Yemelyanov Evgeny Golovin
Burgundian System	When Germany's luck began running out after the Second World War, certain fanatical and unorthodox members of the Nazi Party - chief among them Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler - sought to reconcile their belief in the superiority of National Socialism with the increasingly bleak reality unfolding before them. They eventually arrived at the conclusion that the Nazi Party had lost sight of itself and collapsed into decadence, and that only they were fit to preserve National Socialism as truly intended. They quietly isolated themselves from the Third Reich's political structures, secretly building their own systems in parallel. When Himmler was made head of the SS-Ordensstaat Burgundy, he began implementing this purified vision of Nazism unimpeded. Much like how many of the Reich's ideological goals revolve around Hitler's increasingly erratic statements, the tenets of the Burgundian System are rather ill-defined. The only way one could attempt to understand it is to analyze Himmler's increasingly inscrutable actions and cryptic beliefs, which range from vague and seemingly contradictory ideals of agrarianism and hyper-industrialization, to the establishment of a Germanic neopagan state religion and exploration of the occult. What is absolutely certain, though, is that his regime implements Nazi policies to a unique extreme: the SS is exalted above all other social strata, draconian racial hygiene laws are harshly enforced, and National Socialist theory is deliberately incorporated into every aspect of waking life. It also imposes an incomparable degree of totalitarianism upon the entire population, in hopes of removing all potential sources of decadence or complacency. Whether this has succeeded at all - or will do so in the future - is known only to Reichsführer Himmler, for while secrets flow like a river into the Ordensstaat, they are never permitted to leave.	Heinrich Himmler* Henk Feldmeijer
Imperial Cult	On the night of 17 July 1918, Bolshevik revolutionaries executed the Romanov imperial family in a cellar beneath Yekaterinburg. Their deaths ought to have marked the end of the story of House Romanov. Instead, Russia remained haunted by them. Through revolution, war, and dissolution, rumors spread that one of Nicholas's children had survived. As the country shattered, some came to believe that the Romanov children remained in hiding and would return, one day, to restore Russia to greatness. These delusions came to coalesce around one man, Sergey Taboritsky, and his imperial cult of Alexei. A shambling corpse of a movement held together by fear, imperial nostalgia, and virulent antisemitism, the imperial cult's sole goal is to hasten Alexei's return to Russia. To this end, supporters believe in mobilizing all resources of the state toward purification, hoping for their savior's return once the Russian people have proved themselves "worthy" of him. Advocates support the systematic extermination of Russia's minorities, enforced poverty of the mass public, and the construction of grand, imperial monuments. Their system of mass surveillance and extreme punishment is directly inspired by the purified realms of the Reichskommissariat Kaukasien and its leader Josias, a man Taboritsky openly admires. Yet, the movement's sustainability is unclear. Every day that their savior fails to return, the cult grows more desperate. Soon, observers fear, there may not be a Russia for Alexei to return to.	Sergey Taboritsky Viktor Larionov Yuri Evtukhovich Andrey Dikiy
Antarctic Administration	Ever since the scramble for Antarctica began in the 1950s, the continent has been divided by several competing territorial administrations. What started as a border dispute between the Chilean and Argentinean regimes morphed into an international incident requiring the mediation of the Organization of Free Nations. Not to be outpaced by the forces of liberty, National Socialism reared its head in the form of Nazi-controlled Neuschwabenland, attempting to enforce a policy of colonization by the pure, Polar, Aryan race. Finally, the Japanese arrived, ignoring all pretense of legitimate claims, seizing their slice of Antarctica through force of arms. While each administration adheres to its specific ideological convictions, the harsh realities of life in the Great White Nothing, and lack of a notable civilian populace, has induced a measure of conformity amongst the regimes. All operate under some form of military governance, be they in direct control, in the case of Japan, or working alongside civilian partners, as with the OAA. Under these hierarchies, many thousands of personnel labor in the bitter cold and biting winds, trying to justify their presence on "the Exiled Continent". Each power attempts to wrest some modicum of value from their slice of ice, however many observers have named this struggle the ultimate in sunk cost fallacy. None of the powers can back down while the others remain, regardless of their losses in money, material, or men. It would take a colossal shift in fortunes to make the Antarctic ventures profitable...	Rudolf Mayr* Konstanty Gutschow Viktor Lutze Erich Schumann Wolfram Sievers*