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Paternalism
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Paternalism is the broad term for any country that has a strong executive power but also some elements of political expression, such as parliament or elections, though the impact these have on the government varies greatly depending on the nation. These can range from presidential dictatorships to provisional governments to military mandates.
Proponents and subideologies
Note: People marked with an asterisk are their countries' starting leaders.
| Subideology | Description | Adherents |
|---|---|---|
| Default (None)
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The political philosophy broadly falling under the denomination of Paternalism has existed as the principal ethic for myriad forms of governments throughout millennia, from Despots, to Monarchs, to Emperors. The ideology behind paternalistic forms of government paints the nascent rise in liberal political thought as a cause for injustices and instability against age-old cultural and political norms, institutions, and truths, and seeks to counter said influence through the restriction of rights and liberties, either temporarily or perhaps even permanently, as a means of preserving the nation, its society and culture for a bright and better future, likening the role of the State towards the welfare of its citizens as like the guidance from a parent to their children. The ideological similarities to the numerous autocratic regimes currently dominating Europe and Asia in this regard are hard to ignore; both liberal and conservative forms of democracy generally abhor the dictatorialism perceived in Paternalistic forms of government, believing it to be little else but an embryonic form of emerging Fascist political thought, or a thinly veiled imitation of it. That said, few within Paternalistic societies are likely to care for the opinions of their neighbors, and will often pose stiff resistance, politically or militarily, to any attempt, internal or external, to supersede that. |
Yusuf ibn Hasan Abebe Aregai |
| National Conservatism
|
Nationalism has shown itself as the dominant force of the twentieth century, proving its strength against the alien institutions of Yugoslavia and the USSR. Therefore, it has become essential to strengthen the nation against the fifth column in its forms. To do otherwise would be folly, lest another nation becomes a historical footnote like Austria. For the national conservative, unity is the goal. How better achieve this goal than to have the nation rally behind the greatest nation in the world — ours. There must be no quarter given to those who dissent against the state; there must only be unity. Tradition is held dearly to maintain a secure social fabric, only disregarded when adherence to it would ignite the fires of class conflict. Economic policies will follow a less rigid orthodoxy, taking influence from either corporatist, dirgist, or even free-market positions, sticking to whichever of these philosophies work as long as they do their part in eliminating class distinction — a rigid and elitist notion that only serves to work against the interests of national unity. While most governments under national conservatism tolerate or collaborate with fascism and fascist states, they generally view themselves as being above fascism, viewing the ideology as an affront to the natural order. Ultimately, despite its deeply right-wing beliefs and nationalist attitudes, it leans more towards conservatism than nationalism in comparison to its extremist counterparts. The only ambiguous link between the two remains their attitude to democracy. After all, when so many other countries have discarded their democratic trappings, isn't it a worthwhile sacrifice to protect your people's future? |
|
| Social Nationalism
|
One of the most egregious crimes that man can commit against his fellow man is that of colonialism. To colonize a land, a people, and a country is to deny them of their right to a proper existence. It turns the nations that fall victim to it into husks of what they could have become, and it turns its perpetrators into glutenous parasites, incapable of proper social function. This state of affairs can be seen clearly all over the world, whether it be with the Americans and Europeans in Africa or with the Japanese in Asia. No crime can go unanswered for too long, however, and the answer to the brutality of colonialism is the theory of Social Nationalism. It, unlike the nationalism which birthed the Reich and the Showa, posits that the colonized can become nationally cohesive units through the recognition of a shared struggle. Social nationalists do not argue that their people should unite on the grounds of their ethnic or cultural superiority, instead, they must unite to defeat their oppressors. Although social nationalism can use any economic system to achieve its aims, most of its proponents also struggle for the establishment of at least some form of socialism in their lands. In the first decade following the war, social nationalism found itself crushed under the weight of German bombs and Japanese military exercises, but the world is changing now. If all the cards are played right, they might just be able to win. |
Messali Hadj |
| Oligarchy
|
Oligarchy, derived from the greek words oligos, few, and arkho, to rule, represents a government where power rests in the hands of a small group of people. They may be separated from the general population because of their wealth, education, military or political control, or in some cases, a minority group that maintains control of the majority. This form of government can be backed up by law, either under the guise of an emergency or transitional government, or through illegal or secret means. Although some oligarchal states pass power down hereditarily, this does not ring true for every oligarchy government. An oligarchy can arise from many different circumstances. For instance, over time power can become concentrated in the hands of the elite through continued enfranchisement of the upper class, until the wealthy dominate all aspects of government, either overtly or covertly. Or perhaps after a coup d'etat, a victorious general works to entrench the power of his clique or the military in general over the population. Although one oligarchy state can be vastly different from the other in terms of what group is in power, they all usually exert heavy control over the populace. Civil liberties are usually limited, and voting at any level is usually restricted. However, exceptions can be found in states where some form of sham democracy, whether a sham by intention or by effect, exists. These sham elections may allow for a veneer of democracy, but ultimately the average person has no control over their leaders. |
|
| Solidarism
|
Solidarism is the ideology promoted by the Vyatka-based National Union of Solidarists. Violently rejecting communism, it aims to provide a twentieth-century basis for dealing with present-day issues, rejecting a purely materialistic approach to socio-economic and political problems, and promoting inter-class solidarity, brotherhood, Christian tolerance, and charity. They also claim to promote democratic participation in government (with or without a Russian monarch), individualism, and civil liberties. Their end goal is to bring about a Second Revolution that is "neither left nor right but at the front" and will rebirth Russia without returning to Bolshevik or Tsarist errors. Its critics, on the other hand, argue that it displays a predisposition towards a corporatist organization of society and an overfriendliness to the prospect of a "temporary" dictatorship in order to bring about their desired "moral and spiritual regeneration". To these critics, solidarism is alarmingly similar to Italian fascism, as well as the corporatism practiced in Salazarist Portugal and the former State of Austria pre-Anschluss. |
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| Corporate Paternalism
|
Even within polites that operate for the benefit of its investors and corporate mavens above all else, most corporatocracies maintain the form of a nation-state for external convenience, its successes built on the back of its people - its 'employees,' bereft of a voice in the machine that profits from their labor. An emerging heterodox school of thought among the corporate elite challenges the notion that capital should solely be an exploitative enterprise in opposition to labor. Proponents emphasize the benefits of stability over profit provided by reflecting the demands of labor in business decisions to a 'reasonable' extent, arguing that a content workforce is more productive in the longer term. While this model of industrial relations is not uncommon in capitalist societies, the unique circumstances of a polity centered around corporations inevitably means this economic theory carries significant political implications. The advocates of this theory envision a more expansive role of the government in providing public services to the nascent 'citizen-employee', in exchange for their labor and a continued acceptance of corporations and market forces dominating public life. |
|
| Social Credit
|
Social Credit is an economic theory developed by British engineer Clifford H. Douglas after World War I. In the 1920s, he argued that economic depressions were caused by arbitrary discrepancies between the market prices of goods, the costs of their production and the wages of those who produced them. Essentially, he noticed that businesses were arbitrarily selling the prices of their manufactured goods far higher than their workers could actually afford. Because of this artificial scarcity created in the pursuit of profit, the workers' lives suffered and economies were hindered by lower consumer spending. To remedy this, Douglas called for governments to distribute money, or "social credit", to consumers in order to close the gap between production and their own purchasing power so that consumer spending could rise and drive economic growth. In Canada, Douglas's economic theories have been synergized with Christian fundamentalism to form a right-wing populist political programme. The Social Credit Party worships individualism and private enterprise almost as much as they worship Christ. They call for a vast expansion of the money supply through providing direct lines of credit to consumers and producers and decry the national debt as a tool used by international bankers to loot the economy for profit. While championing free markets, they are far less keen on free moral choice. They are rabid opponents of counter-culture movements and believe their conservative interpretation of Christianity should be upheld as Canada's official religion. Some members of the party even praise the economic policies of the Iberian Caudillos and the late Duce of Italy, and progressive Canadians dread discovering where Social Credit will take their nation. |
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| Kemalism
|
Kemalism, as the name suggests, is based around the ideals of the Turkish Republic's founding figure, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Born as a rejection of the perceived backwardness of the late Ottoman period, Kemalists seek to create and preserve a modern Turkish nation-state based on six guiding ideals; republicanism, populism, nationalism, laicism, statism and reformism. Kemalism has historically held a tenuous relationship with democratic principles, having served the official ideology of both elected and unelected governments. The principle of Turkish nationalism has been increasingly emphasised in the years following the Second World War, largely as an overture towards the fascist powers of Europe, and a countermeasure against the far-right at home. | |
| Semi-Constitutional Monarchy
|
As absolute monarchism has fallen out of favor over the world in favor of a constitutional equivalent, a different alternative has also manifested. While in most constitutional monarchies, the power has been delegated to officials, executive, and legislative state organs, this is not the case in a Semi-Constitutional Monarchy. Within this system, checks on their power are few, and often symbolic in practice, leaving monarchs who wield significant power over the government, be it executive or legislative. Semi-Constitutional Monarchies have often been driven by monarchs themselves, who wish to moderate their image, and simultaneously not give up their existing power. While not as unrestrained as an absolute monarchy, there ultimately remains little in place that can effectively challenge them, leaving nations at the mercy of the monarchy they have no means of removing. |
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| Peronism
|
As the world's attention was occupied with the fall of London and Moscow, Colonel Juan Perón magnanimously accepted an apparent demotion to the most recondite corner of Argentine ministerial politics: the Secretary of Labor and Prevention. The move, however, was a calculated attempt to achieve Perón's overarching vision: saving Argentina from the spectre of communism, by ensuring that its working class and its trade unions would be integrated into the political system as an estate of the realm. In the course of accomplishing this, Colonel Perón's movement absorbed wildly different ideological currents: Socialists, Conservatives, Catholic Liberals, and Fascists; all congreated around the rising figure of Perón, and their views seeped into the virgin mold of the ideology of which he would become the namesake. Which particular facet of Peronism is most prominent on any given day is ultimately the Colonel's decision. Years of manoeuvring in and out of government have, however, distorted and stretched the definition virtually beyond recognition. Insofar as Peronism - or Justicialism, its technical name - still retains any recognizable characteristics beyond its vagueness, its exaltation of the unwashed masses against the decadence of oligarchy, its predilection for economic nationalism, and its adoration for trade unions, are just about all that remains. Of course, this raises the possibility that said characteristics, and by implication Peronism, could outlive its creator in an organized form, the extreme personalism of the movement notwithstanding. |
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| Provisional Government
|
The horrors of war do not simply fade away when conflict passes, they remain as scars, continuing to haunt nations as they descend to chaos and their regimes collapse. Emerging from these ruins is the provisional government. Serving to restore order and the rule of law after extended periods of turmoil, the relative serenity that arrives with these temporary governments is often cheered on by the people as a soothing comfort in comparison to the near-anarchic conditions of the previous era brought on by never-ending war or the volatility and violence that comes with revolutions. The discord of the past is often discarded off in favour of renewed national dialogue, as the regime begins to define the legal structure of the subsequent permanent government. The regime partakes in a long struggle of rebuilding: reviving institutions eroded by neglect and corruption, clarifying laws; assessing the damage sustained by the nation, and both literally and figuratively dealing with the messes and troubles that remain from the former regime's administration through programs of political and economic reconstruction in hopes of restoring any sense of normality to a nation shaken to its core and its accompanying citizenry. |
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| Right-Wing Populism
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Populism, unlike what some may think, is a two-edged sword. While it can serve the interests of the left by appealing to the common people's desire for equality and social justice, it can also be used by the right as a tool to get in power, which makes it difficult to categorise as a coherent ideology: however, one can always still try. Right-Wing Populism, as such, is an ideology with a few identifiable core tenets: first, an emphasis on an anti-elites rhetoric; said elites are portrayed as corrupt and greedy, and are opposed to the common man. Unlike left-wing populism, however, such elites can be used to represent national or ethnic minorities as well. Right-wing populism is also keen on giving out welfare to the people, at the cost of disregarding the wellbeing of the economy. Right-wing populists, while economically populist, generally take a conservative stance on social issues, and quite a few are avowedly anti-communist. Such a combination of attributes could be thought to be a recipe for disaster, but it seems that the tidal wave of populism has started its march nonetheless; and for now, God only knows when it will die down. |
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| Anocracy
|
"Anocracy" is a broad term- one that can easily apply to any government anywhere around the world. The basic, scholarly definition is that it's part dictatorship, part democracy- but it goes deeper than that. Often, scholars will argue that it comes about as a product of interrupted or incomplete democratization- a formerly despotic or dictatorial nation, on the road to democracy, may be classified as an anocracy. On the other hand, it may be the opposite- it may be a democratic nation that is currently undergoing democratic backsliding- a phenomenon that is well known around the world. From corrupt presidents to military juntas that allow certain elements of democracy to take place. The length that anocracies survive heavily varies- they can be incredibly brief, as a nation transfers from democracy to autocracy or vice versa- or it can stall out, and remain in this state for months, years, or decades- it all depends on a combination of the will of the people and the will of the despot. |
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| Left-Wing Corporatism
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Corporatism advocates the organization of society by groups on the basis of their common interests. The term is derived from the Latin corpus, body, and describes an explicitly collectivist system of thought. Its ultimate aim is the construction of a society whereby classes cooperate with one another under the aegis of the State, as opposed to the class conflict inherent in systems such as communism. Unlike with technocratic or fascistic strains of corporatism, Left-wing Corporatism cuts down on racialist rhetoric. It is happy to work with—or at least incorporate—left-wing elements. This could be out of genuine belief in the validity of leftist thought, or because the leader sees no other way to keep the proles quiet. |
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| Transitioning Democracy
|
Democracy isn't just a political system. It's a societal attitude. As such, it must be grown, nurtured, and developed. This is the purpose of a Transitioning Democracy. In this stage, democratic consolidation either hasn't started, or is in its earliest stages. Political and civil rights, such as freedom of speech, assembly, and press, are beginning to be provided, though usually with some caveats. Police forces and the military typically play a role in the power dynamic, often at odds with the civilian government. Above policies, the definition of a Transitioning Democracy is in its outlook towards a free, liberal future. There are many reasons for why a democracy is in this phase. New officers reforming away from an old military junta, a long awaited revolution solidifying its power, or simply the old government pragmatically adopting a new ideology. No matter the reason, a transitioning democracy is a fragile bird, prone to break at the slightest of wrong moves. However, if care is taken, it can grow into a powerful force. |
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| Poujadism
|
Pierre Poujade, an ordinary paper maker from the small town of Saint-Céré, had had enough. Enough of the common man being oppressed by the greedy financier; enough of the sad, sorry state in which France found herself; enough of the anti-democratic practice of the tyrannical Parti National. Enough of all that! And yet, what could he do? Poujade, not being one to stay silent and take it, began to broadcast his message loud and proud. Down with the tyranny of global finance, and with their puppets in the halls of power! Down with big banking, and the judeo-masonic masters! Direct democracy now, by and for the people! Surprisingly enough, and despite what the elites would want you to think, the people sat, and listened. Tired of the Pétainist decay, and yet not lured by the false promises of the technocrats, they slowly woke up, under Pierrot's guidance, to bring him in the highest office of the land. The time for the New General Estates had come, at long last. Now, an hyperpopulistic coalition rules, coalesced in a personality cult around the one and only Pierre Poujade. For free enterprise, against global finance. For traditional values, against degenerate liberalism. For direct democracy, against corrupt politicians. For France, and against all who would wish her harm. |
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| Paternalistic Developmentalism
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Unlike many other forms of authoritarianism, Paternalist Developmentalists are usually somewhat democratically elected, do not deny that their government owes any duty to their constituents, and recognize people's right to political participation. However, when it comes to the great crusade for economic growth, which would subsequently improve the overall welfare of the citizens, Paternalist Developmentalists believe that they are justified in suspending the "political excess" of democratic governance or freedom of expression to maximize economic output. In short, the legitimacy of an Paternalist Developmentalist regime hinges on the leader's ability to bring constant economic growth, instead of votes from his constituents. If the leader became unable to deliver his promise, he would usually either be forced to step down, or to attempt to cling to power by writing his people a bigger check in the future. In most cases, the latter option poses a great risk, as the only reason why the masses are content with the regime is the money for which they "sold" their rights. If the leader resorted to promising large, non-withdrawable checks too often, he would face challenges both from within and without the government, and would most likely be better off if he had agreed to a peaceful transition of power in the first place. |
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| Herrenvolk Democracy
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In an equitable, democratic state, individuals can vote and exercise power regardless of race. However, this is not universal among democracies, and prejudicial systems do exist. A Herrenvolk democracy is often the result of a settler-colonial system transitioning into an autonomous democracy while maintaining - or, in some cases, expanding - colonialist systems of racial segregation. Democracy is for the "herrenvolk" - the "master race" - no matter his class or social standing. Though this may seem a self-contradictory system, to its proponents, it is the natural state of democracy. Racial equality is, to them, nothing more than a fable - and thus, democracy remains a privilege only to the "master race," the proverbial cream of the crop in the racial pyramid. True equality, to them, is only achievable through separation. Beyond the sophistry, Herrenvolk democracy hides a simple truth: that the democracy of the "Herrenvolk" is often little more than a thinly-covered oligarchy for those outside of that group. |
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| Herrerism
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"In short: neither in the brown ranks of Nazism, nor one more star on the flag of any imperialism". Being an Herrerist is not just following the path charted by Dr. Luis Alberto de Herrera, it means evoking the caudillist tradition of the XIX century. It means honoring Oribe's struggle against European interference in the Rio de la Plata and Saravia's fight for political representation for the common man. Those who call themselves Herrerists are the eternal defenders of the Liberal Conservative tradition, so undeservedly besieged by Jacobinism. They are the true defenders of social justice, for their fight is the fight for transparency and accountability of the government, so used to stealing the riches of the rural man for its petty projects or to satisfy the bottomless stomachs of the urbanites. Herrera's followers are convinced they are true nationalists, for it is they who are against Anglo-Saxon infiltration of Hispanic culture, for it is they who defend the homeland from being turned into a vacation ranch for Americans. They understand that while Sovietization of the Americas is repugnant, fellow nationalists like the Sandinists are allies against the eternal enemy that seeks the unhappiness and subjugation of Latin America; the United States. But the Herrerists are controversial among their opponents for their poor track record at respecting liberal democratic norms and barely hiding their illiberal sympathies. As with many caudillist movements, Herrerism shares the same weakness. For with Dr. Herrera buried and unable to guide, Herrerism is whatever the new caudillo says it is, leading to frequent infighting. |
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| Antarctic Administration
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Ever since the scramble for Antarctica began in the 1950s, the continent has been divided by several competing territorial administrations. What started as a border dispute between the Chilean and Argentinean regimes morphed into an international incident requiring the mediation of the Organization of Free Nations. Not to be outpaced by the forces of liberty, National Socialism reared its head in the form of Nazi-controlled Neuschwabenland, attempting to enforce a policy of colonization by the pure, Polar, Aryan race. Finally, the Japanese arrived, ignoring all pretense of legitimate claims, seizing their slice of Antarctica through force of arms. While each administration adheres to its specific ideological convictions, the harsh realities of life in the Great White Nothing, and lack of a notable civilian populace, has induced a measure of conformity amongst the regimes. All operate under some form of military governance, be they in direct control, in the case of Japan, or working alongside civilian partners, as with the OAA. Under these hierarchies, many thousands of personnel labor in the bitter cold and biting winds, trying to justify their presence on "the Exiled Continent". Each power attempts to wrest some modicum of value from their slice of ice, however many observers have named this struggle the ultimate in sunk cost fallacy. None of the powers can back down while the others remain, regardless of their losses in money, material, or men. It would take a colossal shift in fortunes to make the Antarctic ventures profitable... |



















